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Sixty American Opinions on the War Ebook

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Sixty American Opinions on the War

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E-book Category: Education, History, Nonfiction
E-book Title: Sixty American Opinions on the War
Author: T. Fisher Unwin
Book Description: Sixty American Opinions on the War

In this work are collected the views of sixty American citizens in regard to the war published by T. Fisher Unwin, LTD, London Copyright: 1915

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This edition consists of a single volume of about 165 textual pages.

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DESCRIPTION - ORIGINAL PREFACE:
THE object of this little book is to show how many friends we have in America. The selection of " American Views " does not pretend to be exhaustive. If time had allowed, it would doubtless have been easy to cite the favourable opinions of many other Americans as eminent as those here represented. As a rule those individuals whose opinions have been published in book or pamphlet form are purposely quoted at much less length than those whose contributions have appeared in newspapers or private letters only. The cordial thanks of the compilers are due to the Authors, Editors, and Publishers whose generosity has made the collection possible. The contributions have, for obvious reasons, been arranged in alphabetical order.

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One of Sixty Opinions On The War:

THEODORE ROOSEVELT. The following sentences are from an article written for " The New York Times " by Theodore Roosevelt, in reference to the conventions and regulations which were signed at The Hague by forty nations (among which were Germany, Great Britain, and the United States) during his term of office as President of the United States. The United States and all the great Powers now at war were parties to the international code created in the regulations annexed to the Hague conventions of 1899 and 1907. As President, acting on behalf of this Government, and in accordance with the unanimous wish of our people, I ordered the signature of the United States to these conventions. Most emphatically I would not have permitted such a farce to have gone through if it had entered my head that this Government would not consider itself bound to do all it could to see that the regulations to which it made itself a party were actually observed when the necessity for their observance arose. I cannot imagine any sensible nation thinking it worth while to sign future Hague conventions if even such a powerful neutral as the United States does not care enough about them to protest against their open breach. If the Hague conventions represented nothing but the expression of feeble aspirations toward decency, uttered only in time of profound peace, and not to be even expressed above a whisper when with awful bloodshed and suffering the conventions were broken, then it was idle folly to enter into them. If, on the other hand, they meant anything, if the United States had a serious purpose, a serious sense of its obligations to world righteousness, when it entered into them, then its plain duty as the trustee of civilisation is to investigate the charges solemnly made as to the violation of the Hague conventions. If such investigation is made, and if the charges prove well founded, then it is the duty of the United States to take whatever action may be necessary to vindicate the principles of international law set forth in these conventions.

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